The U.S. presidential election of 2020 marked a striking departure from normalcy. Donald Trump perpetuated doubt in the result of the election, insisting that there had been incidents such as mail-in voter fraud, states miscounting votes and Dominion voting machines transferring votes from Trump to Biden (Canon and Sherman, 2021; Eggers et al., 2021).Donald Trump continued to circulate stolen election narrative despite there being no evidence for fraud within the 2020 presidential election (Norris, 2020; Botvinik-Nezer, et al., 2021; Pennycook & Rand, 2021). This has led to the formation of the “big lie” conspiracy that has swept viciously across America (Fahey, 2020). Crucially, Trump’s accusations against the 2020 presidential result has eroded trust in the electoral system, with only 11% of Republicans believing that elections are run “very well” (Pew Research Center, 2022). However, current academic literature focuses too heavily on Donald Trump as the sole reason for electoral conspiracies. Jacobson stated that it was “Trump’s insistence” that he defeated Joe Biden (Jacobson, 2021: 273), Whilst Arceneaux and Truex argue that it was Trump who actively perpetuated lies regarding the 2020 election result (Arceneaux & Truex, 2023). Although Trump is certainly the epicentre of the election conspiracy, literature fails to recognise that Trump’s “insistence” (Jacobson, 2021: 273) and “perpetuation” (Arceneaux & Truex, 2023: 863) of lies is, in fact, greatly facilitated by other Republican politicians. Key Republican members of congress practised secrecy throughout the stolen election claims. The silence of Republicans when questioned on the 2020 election result is interpreted by most as acceptance and alignment toward Trump’s “rigged election” beliefs (Kinzinger, 2022). This allowed Trump’s “big lie” narrative to become the dominant “voice of the party”. However, print media and academic literature have argued that many of those who “endorse the big lie do not really believe that the election was decided by fraud” (Graham & Yair, 2022: 1). Statements such as these raise the question of why Republicans remain silent over Trump’s fraudulent claims if they didn’t believe in the “big lie” themselves. This essay argues that Republicans practised election secrecy in 2020 to uphold the silence code of omertà, securing their power within the party by demonstrating their unwavering loyalty to Donald Trump. This statement will be argued firstly through a closer examination of the mafia code of Omertà. The second section will focus on the changing dynamics of power in the Republican Party as a result of the MAGA (Make America Great Again) base. The third section will discuss the ways in which Republicans practised omertà and the reasoning for this culture of secrecy. The final section will address the consequences faced by those who break omertà.

Omertà is one of the key criminal codes practised by the Italian Mafia (Gambetta, 1993). The traditional mafia consists of multiple, centuries-old, organised crime groups that operate in southern Italy and Sicily (Paoli, 2004). The mafia “engage in profit-making criminal activities but also exercise quasi-political functions that heavily influence economic and political life” (Paoli, 2014: 122). In order to carry out these functions, the Mafia follow “explicit or implicit norms, regulations and expectations” (Catino, 2015: 537). One of these regulations omertà: the policy of remaining silent about the activities and crimes of the mafia (Andriyenko, 2019). It is one of the most integral elements within mafia theory as it “binds the members of the organisation to secrecy” protecting their activities and reputation (Catino, 2015: 538). Ellsberg views omertà as an “expression of loyalty to the organisation” (Ellsberg, 2010: 779), recognising the compliance and allegiance that silence offers to the group. Of course the Republican Party is not an organised crime group. However, the “sophisticated ritual and symbolic apparatuses” of the Mafia are extremely similar to the cultural conducts of the Republican Party (Letizia, 2004: 19), especially surrounding secrecy and omertà.
The ways in which the culture of the Mafia ensures secrecy through omertà is extremely useful in analysing the silence of Republicans in the 2020 U.S. presidential election. Catino stresses that mafiosi rules, both written and unwritten, “serve to maintain secrecy and conceal information” (Catino, 2015: 536). This aim can be seen through Donald Trump and the “big lie” as Republican politicians remain silent in order to practise secrecy around the 2020 election result. Therefore, this essay borrows the term “omertà” for “a study of the forms of silence, and its substance […] how it is maintained and what allows it to be maintained” (Puccio-Den, 2019: 615). The use of omertà allows for an examination of the ‘rules’ or ‘codes’ of a culture that is utilising silence in order to keep a secret, a practice which is starkly visible within the 2020 U.S. election.
Trump has established himself as a domineering force within the current Republican Party, with some scholars even describing his election as a “Hijacking of the Republican Party” (Ware, 2016: 406). The Former President has shifted the base of the Republican Party, as his “strategy drills down vertically to penetrate and deepen his base” rather than “fan out horizontally in search of new groups to join the party coalition” (Gavin, 2020: 135). This effect has created a streamlined version of the party that has become intolerant to ideologies that don’t align with Donald Trump’s “white base” (Espinoza, 2022). The Republican Party now consists more of Donald Trumps MAGA camp (Espinoza, 2022; Franks & Hesami, 2021; Wintemute, et al., 2022). Moreover, the MAGA movement is extremely committed to electoral participation and partakes in high levels of political activism (Blum & Parker, 2020). As a result of this, it is in the best interest of those Republicans who are up for re-election to maintain a good rapport with those voters. Therefore, in order to remain close to the MAGA movement in the interest of electoral success, Republican members of Congress align themselves with Donald Trump and obey the code of omertà. Jacobson notes the weight of MAGA as he argues that “so many Republican members chose to indulge rather than resist Trump’s literally destructive attempt to subvert American democracy was a sign of how much they feared his supporters” (Jacobson, 2021: 42). Kinzinger, a former Republican representative for Illinois, has noted this realignment toward Trump, as he stated in an interview that “they [the Republicans] will not go after Trump’s conspiracies because they need him on board” (Kinzinger, 2022). Republicans have shown how “group cohesion is demonstrated through silent agreement” (Brito Vieira, et al., 2019), as they recognise the re-organisation of Grand Old Party (GOP) and the subsequent leader/follower exchange that is maintained through omertà. This behaviour reflects Mannergren Selimovic’s typology of silences, who discusses silence as being “disabling or enabling” (Mannergren Selimovic, 2020: 2)[1]. In the case of Republican Silence, it acts as an enabling factor as Republicans facilitate Donald Trumps “big lie” conspiracy through their silence. This allows Republicans to please MAGA voters and therefore enables them to become re-elected as a result of MAGA support. Overall, the culture of silence practised by Republican politicians has demonstrated the ways in which the “tribalism of Trump” dynamic (Brown, 2023: 970), revolves around secrecy and omertà.
Republican members of Congress dutifully practised secrecy as they maintained omertà during the 2022 election and its aftermath. The behaviour of Republicans certainly demonstrated their loyalty to Donald Trump and his fraudulent election narrative as he “maintained considerable support from not only his base but from elected Republicans” (Goethals, 2021: 246). The silence of key Republicans facilitated the spread of disinformation around the legitimacy of the 2020 election. Starbird defines a disinformation campaign as “an intentional effort to spread misleading content for strategic gain” (Starbird, et al., 2023: 2). It is clear that Republican silence around the 2020 election result was in an effort to spread disinformation, as their secrecy allowed for the circulation that Donald Trump really did win the election “by historic numbers” (Trump, 2020: para. 3). This gives strategic gain to Republicans as their silence facilitates his “stolen election” narrative, allowing them to appear loyal to Donald Trump.
Amid the chaos of the 2020 election, particularly the January 6th attack on the Capitol, many called on key Republicans to stand against Donald Trump and re-establish the credibility of the electoral result (Barrett, et al., 2020; Herman, et al., 2023). However, when Republicans were asked if they believed in Donald Trump’s 2020 electoral claims, the overwhelming majority of the party remained silent, which spread disinformation surrounding the electoral result. The Washington Post has conducted extensive research on congressional Republican support for Trump’s “stolen election” claims (Abelson, et al., 2022). The graph below demonstrates the overwhelming majority of Republican lawmakers that were “unclear / no answer” when asked questions surrounding the election. Crucially, however many showed “support” for Donald Trump, once again demonstrating partisan loyalty.

Moreover, in Minnesota’s 2020 Governor midterm elections, “five GOP candidates for governor came up with 14 other words when asked who won the 2020 presidential election” (Beaumont, 2021: para. 4). It is clear that Republicans are desperate to avoid any direct acknowledgement of the election result, unless it is in support of Donald Trump. Republican avoidance therefore creates disinformation as voters are told not to trust in the legitimate electoral result, undermining the credibility of Joe Biden as president.
This Republican disinformation campaign is a tactical form of silence as it allows them to appear somewhat cooperative with the press, but remain loyal to Donald Trump’s “rigged election” narrative. Puccio-Den notes this tactic as she stresses that keeping the code of omertà also includes “knowing how to keep silent” (Puccio-Den, 2019: 614). This is particularly evident as many Republicans relied on the recount to rebuff any questions on whether Joe Biden was the legitimate president. Senator Josh Hawley lashed out at the media, stating that “the media do not get to determine who the president is, the people do.” (Hawley, 2020). Similarly, Representative Steve Scalise of Louisiana, tweeted / Xed that “there are still serious legal challenges that have been made, and until that process is resolved, the election is not final.” (Scalise, 2020). These responses are a prime example of Puccio-Den’s argument that the code of omertà also includes knowing “how to stay silent” as they comment on the election but avoid a direct answer as to whether Joe Biden was elected lawfully (Puccio-Den, 2019: 614). This silence is crucial to secrecy around the 2020 election result, as “knowing how to say nothing is a required ability of secret societies” (Simmel, 1908: 443). In conducting a disinformation campaign by keeping evidence or acceptance of electoral legitimacy secret from the American people, Republicans are able to appear loyal to Donald Trump and therefore retain power within the Republican Party.
The intense rallying of the GOP around Donald Trump certainly gives its benefits for those who comply with his agenda and practice omertà. However, the “herd mentality” that is produced by this rallying intensifies the negative consequences faced by Republicans who deviate from the code of omertà. Those who fail to “indulge” with Trump and practice secrecy surrounding the 2020 election face an extreme threat to their position of power within the Republican Party (Jacobson, 2021: 42). Consequences such as “expulsion and ostracism” are exercised if members “wash dirty linen in public” or, ““rat” on one’s team” (Ellsberg 2010: 779). The fear of ostracism is a particularly powerful tool within the context of a political party, as party affiliation and support is one of the key factors in Republican electoral success (Olivola, et al., 2012). This is well known by Donald Trump, who “exploits status anxiety […] and fosters demonisation of those who are different” (Goethals, 2021: 246). Evidence of this behaviour is most visible with Mike Pence, who served as Donald Trumps Vice President.
Pence has staunchly conservative views on abortion, gay and trans rights, gun rights and climate change align him with many MAGA beliefs (Neal, 2018). Pence’s Relationship with Donald Trump was extremely close as “Pence has displayed his loyalty to President Donald Trump even as others have questioned Donald Trumps unorthodox methods” (Sales, 2018: 7). However, despite their ideological similarities and close relations, Mike Pence was brutally ostracised from the group as he broke the code of omertà by refusing to block the certification of the 2020 presidential election results. Cassidy Hutchinson, a former aid to Trump and assistant to chief of staff Mark Meadows, described the extremity of Trumps feelings toward Pence during the House January 6 committee (Pengelly, 2022). In her recent book “Enough”, Hutchinson described how Trump was “calling for the vice president to be hanged” and that “the president is okay with this, he doesn’t think they’re doing anything wrong. He thinks Mike is a traitor” (Hutchinson, 2023, cited in Levin, 2023: para. 3). The treatment of Mike Pence after he failed to keep silent regarding the 2020 election result is a clear illustration of the “expulsion and ostracism” that occurs when you break the code of omertà and “snitch” or “rat on one’s team” (Ellsberg 2010: 779). The former FBI director James Comey notes this relationship in stating that “of course, to stay, you must be seen as on his team” (Comey, 2020, cited from Goethals, 2021: 247). This threat of ostracism has led to the prolonged silence of the majority of the Republican Party.
This is of grave concern as it causes many Republicans to practise secrecy around the 2020 election result even if they do not believe Trump’s fraudulent election claims themselves. Kinzinger, who has been one of the few Republicans to denounce Donald Trumps false claims of election fraud, believes that “99.9% of Congress in the Republican Party know that the election was not stolen. They’re just too cowardly to say it” (Kinzinger, 2022). Kinzinger is one of the 10 House Republicans to vote to impeach Trump after the January 6th Capitol attack (Epstein, 2021). Paul Mitchell, a Representative from Michigan, left the Republican Party to become independent, as he was “concerned with how the party has behaved since the election” (Mitchell 2020, cited in Connolly, 2020: para. 4). However Kinzinger’s Illinois district has been eliminated due to a re-mapping of congressional districts (Epstein, 2021), and Mitchell announced his retirement in 2020 (Connolly, 2020). This factor was stated by The New York Times as the highlighted that “only a handful of rank-and-file Republicans, including some who are not likely to face voters again, offered their good wishes for Mr. Biden.” (Cochrane, 2022: para. 10). Therefore, it is clear that Republicans view Trump’s approval as integral to electoral success, and therefore abide by the code of omertà in order to secure electoral support. The behaviour of Kinzinger and Mitchell, reinforce this as without the pressures of re-election, they did not need to fear the wrath of Donald Trump, and therefore were released from the code of omertà. Overall, the behaviour of Republican politicians, both serving and retired, demonstrate how the rise of MAGA dominance has resulted in an immense secrecy culture around the 2020 election. Republicans who wish to remain in the party after 2022 kept silent in a bid to avoid ostracism from the MAGA group and thus retain their position of power within the party.
In conclusion, this essay delves into the unprecedented nature of the 2020 U.S. presidential election. Donald Trump’s persistence that the election was “stolen” resulted in the formation of a “big lie” conspiracy that permeated American society and eroded trust in the electoral system. However, Donald Trump was not the only politician who was responsible for this threat to American democracy. The silence of the Republican Party enabled the spread of Trump’s conspiracy and led to the undermining of the election result. As the party shifts more toward dependency on MAGA approval, Republicans recognise how practising secrecy around the 2020 election serves their strategic interests. The disinformation campaign demonstrates the different ways in which Republicans practised secrecy, resulting in public doubt toward the legitimacy of Joe Biden’s presidency. Moreover, In drawing parallels with the Mafiosi code of omertà, this essay builds upon the cultures of secrecy and the subsequent rules that must be followed in order to appease the central force of power. The Mafia comparison has shown that allegiance of members within an organisation, in this case the Republican Party, is often manifested through silence. Allegiance contributes to the consolidation of power within the party as Republican silence serves Donald Trump’s political agenda. Crucially, this essay examined the threat to those who don’t serve Trump’s interests, reinforcing the importance of omertà within the power dynamics at play within the Republican Party. Overall, this essay has established that Republican politicians are willing to comply with Donald Trump’s agenda as they are driven by an effort to maintain and consolidate power. Therefore, members of the Republican Party practice omertà in order to align themselves with Trump and appease the fervent MAGA voters. The performance of the Republicans during and after the 2020 election has demonstrated the intoxicating culture of power within the party. Republican members of Congress, who have taken an oath to support the constitution, consistently choose to sustain Donald Trump’s destructive rhetoric; prioritising their own political standing over democratic elections.
[1] Whilst this blog focuses specifically on Mannergren Selimovic’s typology of silence. This is not to erase the gendered relations of her work and prominence of gender within the study of silence. Demonstrated the ways in which the “tribalism of Trump” dynamic (Brown, 2023: 970), revolves around secrecy and omertà.
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